March 25, 2026
American Contradiction: A History of Revolution and Revenge from the 1950’s to Now
Paul Starr
Professor of Sociology and Public Affairs at Princeton University and Stuart Professor of communications and public affairs at Princeton's School of Public and International Affairs.
George Bustin, introducer, and Paul Starr
Minutes of the 24th Meeting of the 84th Year
President George Bustin called the meeting order. Frances Slade led the invocation. There were 139 members and guests at the meeting.
Elliot Freeman introduced his guest, Michael Leopold. Ricardo Fernandez introduced his guest, Raquel Rakim. Bernard Abramson’s guest was Barbara Abramson. Bill Wolf ‘s guest was Betty Wolf. Rick Ober’s guest was Bruce Schundler.
President Bustin introduced our speaker, Paul Starr, professor of sociology at Princeton and the Stuart Professor of Communications and Public Affairs at Princeton’s School of Public and International Affairs. He also serves as a founding co-editor of the American Prospect, a liberal magazine that he co-founded in 1990 with Robert Kuttner and Robert Wright.
Professor Starr's work addresses a wide range of questions in politics, history, public policy, and social theory. His latest book, American Contradiction, Revolution, and Revenge from the 1950s to Now, which was published in October last year to critical acclaim, will be the subject of his talk today.
Professor Starr is also a national expert on public health policy and has written three books about health care institutions and policies. He served as senior health policy advisor in the White House during the first Clinton administration, 1993. Professor Starr has also written extensively on media.
His 2004 book, The Creation of Media, Political Origins of Modern Communications, received the Goldsmith Book Prize. He is one of Princeton's most prolific and sought-after scholars and commentators. Professor Starr received his BA from Columbia in 1970 and his PhD from Harvard in 1978.
Professor Starr outlined the central argument of his book American Contradiction: A History of Revolution and Revenge from the 1950s to Now. He began by reflecting on how surprising the trajectory of American politics has been, posing a key question: How did the United States elect Barack Obama and then Donald Trump? For Starr, this contrast captures a deep “American contradiction,” revealing opposing forces within the same society.
He traced this contradiction back to the nation’s founding, which combined ideals of freedom with the reality of slavery. This tension, he argued, has driven American history, from the Civil War to the civil rights movement. In the mid-20th century, Black Americans led a struggle for equality that not only dismantled legal segregation but also inspired other movements, including women’s rights and LGBTQ rights. These movements challenged traditional hierarchies and expanded rights across society.
However, these progressive changes also provoked backlash. Starr explained that the United States is both a changing “people” and a more static “nation.” The population has evolved rapidly due to immigration, generational change, and shifting ideas about identity and rights. Meanwhile, political institutions—such as the Constitution, Senate, and Electoral College—remain rooted in older structures that favor more traditional constituencies. This mismatch has created a growing conflict between a transforming society and resistant institutions.
The Supreme Court has played a key role in this process. While it once expanded rights through reinterpretation of the Constitution, it has more recently shifted toward a more conservative approach, emphasizing tradition and original meaning. This reflects a broader struggle between progressive change and institutional resistance.
Starr divided recent history into two phases. The first, from the 1950s to about 1990, saw major advances in civil rights, gender equality, and cultural change, along with partial conservative pushback. Even conservative leaders like Nixon and Reagan did not fully reverse these transformations. The Republican Party during this period still retained elements of a more moderate or liberal tradition.
The second phase, beginning in the 1990s, has been marked by intense polarization and the rise of “culture war” politics. Starr highlighted figures like Newt Gingrich, who promoted a more confrontational political style, treating opponents as enemies. The growth of partisan media reinforced this divide, eroding norms of compromise and cooperation.
Two forces define this modern era: fear and aggression. Demographic changes, especially increased immigration and growing diversity, created optimism among liberals but anxiety among conservatives. Although predictions that white Americans would soon become a minority were overstated, the perception of losing cultural and political dominance became powerful. At the same time, economic changes—particularly globalization and the loss of manufacturing jobs—left many working-class Americans feeling insecure and abandoned.
These developments reshaped the political landscape. Many non-college-educated white voters shifted toward the Republican Party, creating fertile ground for populist appeals. Donald Trump capitalized on this environment, embodying what Starr calls a “politics of revenge.” Trump’s approach is marked by aggression, disregard for norms, and hostility toward opponents and institutions.
Despite these changes, the United States remains closely divided politically, with no clear electoral realignment. Elections are highly competitive, but structural features like the Electoral College and Senate give Republicans an advantage, making the system an uneven “tie.”
Immigration is central to Starr’s analysis. He described it as both a success and a source of conflict. While immigration has brought economic and cultural benefits, it has also generated anxiety among many Americans. Starr argues that political leaders, especially Democrats, failed to address these concerns effectively or ensure that immigration appeared orderly and controlled. This contributed to shifting public opinion and helped enable Trump’s rise.
At the same time, Starr emphasized that concerns about immigration often stem from economic and social fears, not just prejudice. Effective policy must acknowledge these concerns while clearly explaining the benefits of immigration.
In conclusion, Starr does not offer simple solutions but calls for new political movements and institutions to address current challenges. He ended on a cautiously hopeful note, arguing that American history shows a capacity for resilience and unexpected change. However, overcoming today’s divisions will require deliberate effort to rebuild democratic norms and move beyond the politics of fear and revenge.
Respectfully submitted,
Sandy Shapiro, with ChatGPT summary from transcript of recording
Elliot Freeman introduced his guest, Michael Leopold. Ricardo Fernandez introduced his guest, Raquel Rakim. Bernard Abramson’s guest was Barbara Abramson. Bill Wolf ‘s guest was Betty Wolf. Rick Ober’s guest was Bruce Schundler.
President Bustin introduced our speaker, Paul Starr, professor of sociology at Princeton and the Stuart Professor of Communications and Public Affairs at Princeton’s School of Public and International Affairs. He also serves as a founding co-editor of the American Prospect, a liberal magazine that he co-founded in 1990 with Robert Kuttner and Robert Wright.
Professor Starr's work addresses a wide range of questions in politics, history, public policy, and social theory. His latest book, American Contradiction, Revolution, and Revenge from the 1950s to Now, which was published in October last year to critical acclaim, will be the subject of his talk today.
Professor Starr is also a national expert on public health policy and has written three books about health care institutions and policies. He served as senior health policy advisor in the White House during the first Clinton administration, 1993. Professor Starr has also written extensively on media.
His 2004 book, The Creation of Media, Political Origins of Modern Communications, received the Goldsmith Book Prize. He is one of Princeton's most prolific and sought-after scholars and commentators. Professor Starr received his BA from Columbia in 1970 and his PhD from Harvard in 1978.
Professor Starr outlined the central argument of his book American Contradiction: A History of Revolution and Revenge from the 1950s to Now. He began by reflecting on how surprising the trajectory of American politics has been, posing a key question: How did the United States elect Barack Obama and then Donald Trump? For Starr, this contrast captures a deep “American contradiction,” revealing opposing forces within the same society.
He traced this contradiction back to the nation’s founding, which combined ideals of freedom with the reality of slavery. This tension, he argued, has driven American history, from the Civil War to the civil rights movement. In the mid-20th century, Black Americans led a struggle for equality that not only dismantled legal segregation but also inspired other movements, including women’s rights and LGBTQ rights. These movements challenged traditional hierarchies and expanded rights across society.
However, these progressive changes also provoked backlash. Starr explained that the United States is both a changing “people” and a more static “nation.” The population has evolved rapidly due to immigration, generational change, and shifting ideas about identity and rights. Meanwhile, political institutions—such as the Constitution, Senate, and Electoral College—remain rooted in older structures that favor more traditional constituencies. This mismatch has created a growing conflict between a transforming society and resistant institutions.
The Supreme Court has played a key role in this process. While it once expanded rights through reinterpretation of the Constitution, it has more recently shifted toward a more conservative approach, emphasizing tradition and original meaning. This reflects a broader struggle between progressive change and institutional resistance.
Starr divided recent history into two phases. The first, from the 1950s to about 1990, saw major advances in civil rights, gender equality, and cultural change, along with partial conservative pushback. Even conservative leaders like Nixon and Reagan did not fully reverse these transformations. The Republican Party during this period still retained elements of a more moderate or liberal tradition.
The second phase, beginning in the 1990s, has been marked by intense polarization and the rise of “culture war” politics. Starr highlighted figures like Newt Gingrich, who promoted a more confrontational political style, treating opponents as enemies. The growth of partisan media reinforced this divide, eroding norms of compromise and cooperation.
Two forces define this modern era: fear and aggression. Demographic changes, especially increased immigration and growing diversity, created optimism among liberals but anxiety among conservatives. Although predictions that white Americans would soon become a minority were overstated, the perception of losing cultural and political dominance became powerful. At the same time, economic changes—particularly globalization and the loss of manufacturing jobs—left many working-class Americans feeling insecure and abandoned.
These developments reshaped the political landscape. Many non-college-educated white voters shifted toward the Republican Party, creating fertile ground for populist appeals. Donald Trump capitalized on this environment, embodying what Starr calls a “politics of revenge.” Trump’s approach is marked by aggression, disregard for norms, and hostility toward opponents and institutions.
Despite these changes, the United States remains closely divided politically, with no clear electoral realignment. Elections are highly competitive, but structural features like the Electoral College and Senate give Republicans an advantage, making the system an uneven “tie.”
Immigration is central to Starr’s analysis. He described it as both a success and a source of conflict. While immigration has brought economic and cultural benefits, it has also generated anxiety among many Americans. Starr argues that political leaders, especially Democrats, failed to address these concerns effectively or ensure that immigration appeared orderly and controlled. This contributed to shifting public opinion and helped enable Trump’s rise.
At the same time, Starr emphasized that concerns about immigration often stem from economic and social fears, not just prejudice. Effective policy must acknowledge these concerns while clearly explaining the benefits of immigration.
In conclusion, Starr does not offer simple solutions but calls for new political movements and institutions to address current challenges. He ended on a cautiously hopeful note, arguing that American history shows a capacity for resilience and unexpected change. However, overcoming today’s divisions will require deliberate effort to rebuild democratic norms and move beyond the politics of fear and revenge.
Respectfully submitted,
Sandy Shapiro, with ChatGPT summary from transcript of recording