September 9, 2020
The 2020 Presidential Election in Historical Context
Julian Zelizer
Malcolm Stevenson Forbes Professor of History and Public Affairs, Princeton University
BF Graham, Introducer, and Julian Zelizer
Minutes of the First Meeting of the 79th Year
President Schreiber called the meeting to order at 10:15 am. The meeting was held on Zoom due to the closure of the Princeton University buildings. Minutes of the May 21, 2020 meeting were read by David Vilkomerson. There were 146 Old Guard members and guests in attendance.
BF Graham introduced the speaker, Julian Zelizer, Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University. Professor Zelizer’s latest book is entitled “Burning Down the House: Newt Gringrich, the Fall of a Speaker and the Rise of the New Republican Party.”
Professor Zelizer began by asking “Where are we today?” and listed polarization, toxicity in Washington, inability of either side to speak with the other, movements to the right and the left in either party and tearing down of institutions.
Joe Biden, Zelizer noted, practices old school politics of conferring and reaching consensus in legislating.
“Who pushed this?” “What are the turning points?” Zelizer considered Newt Gingrich pushing out the House of Representatives Speaker Jim Wright in 1989 as a major turning point. It showed that Gingrich’s brand of polarization, intractability, and grab for power above all, including governing, worked and was able to deliver power to the side that practiced these methods. Zelizer said the implications of this have been enormous and resonate to this day.
Newt Gingrich is a non ‘60’s kid in the ‘60’s, a smart aleck know-it-all with an uprooted family and childhood, who wanted a Nixon majority to replace the FDR majority. Gingrich is a student of Paul Weyrich’s right wing tactics.
In 1978 Gingrich won a House seat by smearing his opponent’s character, running as an outsider anti corruption candidate with family values. He made a name for himself in the House as a young Joe McCarthy type and attacked everyone, a toxic force who would do anything to win, promoting anti-establishment populism.
The House had to become Republican if the Reagan Revolution was to be enacted. Gingrich positioned himself as a key figure with nasty rhetoric, one-minute speeches on CSPAN made to an empty chamber making specific charges against particular people. He headed the Conservative Opportunity Caucus, which included Trent Lott. CSPAN made Gingrich recognized and he continued to use media to promote confrontation and controversy.
In 1989 Jim Wright, an old school Democrat, was Speaker of the House. Gingrich accused Wright of making money from political speeches and favoring his partners in oil and real estate. Wright resigned from the House, hoping he was the needed victim that would stop “mindless cannibalism.” Of course, his resignation showed that the Gingrich tactics “worked” to gain power by eliminating opponents.
As a reward for showing the way to House members, Gingrich was elected Minority Whip and was on his way to becoming Speaker. He had proved that partisanship is more important than anything in the pursuit of power, and that power was more important than governing. Ruthlessness worked.
Zelizer said we need to understand Trump as a product of the Reagan Revolution, destructive and hurtful to institutions. These tactics of classic anti-establishment populism are not going to change if the Democrats win in November.
As is often the case, Old Guard questions and Zelizer’s answers concerned the present:
Respectfully submitted,
Julia Coale
BF Graham introduced the speaker, Julian Zelizer, Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University. Professor Zelizer’s latest book is entitled “Burning Down the House: Newt Gringrich, the Fall of a Speaker and the Rise of the New Republican Party.”
Professor Zelizer began by asking “Where are we today?” and listed polarization, toxicity in Washington, inability of either side to speak with the other, movements to the right and the left in either party and tearing down of institutions.
Joe Biden, Zelizer noted, practices old school politics of conferring and reaching consensus in legislating.
“Who pushed this?” “What are the turning points?” Zelizer considered Newt Gingrich pushing out the House of Representatives Speaker Jim Wright in 1989 as a major turning point. It showed that Gingrich’s brand of polarization, intractability, and grab for power above all, including governing, worked and was able to deliver power to the side that practiced these methods. Zelizer said the implications of this have been enormous and resonate to this day.
Newt Gingrich is a non ‘60’s kid in the ‘60’s, a smart aleck know-it-all with an uprooted family and childhood, who wanted a Nixon majority to replace the FDR majority. Gingrich is a student of Paul Weyrich’s right wing tactics.
In 1978 Gingrich won a House seat by smearing his opponent’s character, running as an outsider anti corruption candidate with family values. He made a name for himself in the House as a young Joe McCarthy type and attacked everyone, a toxic force who would do anything to win, promoting anti-establishment populism.
The House had to become Republican if the Reagan Revolution was to be enacted. Gingrich positioned himself as a key figure with nasty rhetoric, one-minute speeches on CSPAN made to an empty chamber making specific charges against particular people. He headed the Conservative Opportunity Caucus, which included Trent Lott. CSPAN made Gingrich recognized and he continued to use media to promote confrontation and controversy.
In 1989 Jim Wright, an old school Democrat, was Speaker of the House. Gingrich accused Wright of making money from political speeches and favoring his partners in oil and real estate. Wright resigned from the House, hoping he was the needed victim that would stop “mindless cannibalism.” Of course, his resignation showed that the Gingrich tactics “worked” to gain power by eliminating opponents.
As a reward for showing the way to House members, Gingrich was elected Minority Whip and was on his way to becoming Speaker. He had proved that partisanship is more important than anything in the pursuit of power, and that power was more important than governing. Ruthlessness worked.
Zelizer said we need to understand Trump as a product of the Reagan Revolution, destructive and hurtful to institutions. These tactics of classic anti-establishment populism are not going to change if the Democrats win in November.
As is often the case, Old Guard questions and Zelizer’s answers concerned the present:
- Will there be a return to normalcy? It’s possible. Trump has shown how important norms are and how fast they erode, like limits on what you say and get away with. But this is a long-term problem: Institutions have weakened and been damaged; it will take at least a decade to get back to “normal,” but it is already out there that you can do this damage and take power.
- The Lincoln Douglas debates had bad vilification, too. Yes, there have been periods of bad political practices, but certain periods are distinct, like the 2011 Tea Party showdown on the budget and default in raising the debt limit, which has now become a partisan issue. Gingrich shut down the government over the budget. We always have partisanship but it is usually balanced with responsibility to govern and solve problems. The Republicans put down Joe McCarthy, but not Gingrich.
- How does Mitch McConnell fit in? McConnell is an equally important figure without the rhetoric who has politicized everything.
- Will the Democrats eliminate the filibuster? Many are in favor of elimination as a high cost on the institution of the Senate.
- Why have the Republicans refused to disagree with Trump? Partisanship is most important to Republican discipline, and the conservative media enforces compliance. Immigration, tax cuts, and deregulation are what Trump and the Republicans agree on.
- What role does White Supremacy play? Trump plays to it with Tweets and Law and Order rhetoric. There has been backlash politics since the 1960’s.
- Who wins in November? It is unclear. The the polls show Biden leading but there is a lot of campaign left and Trump powers are formidable, i.e., he can shape the media conversation, he has the power of investigation against Biden and Obama. What voting will look like is unclear, such as turnout, pandemic effect, Feds have not helped. Trump can win and it’s a very tough road to the election.
Respectfully submitted,
Julia Coale